S3E5 - The Dorr Rebellion

Hello and welcome to the Story of Rhode Island. The podcast that tells you the story of Rhode Island’s fascinating history. If you haven’t listened to last week's episode then I suggest doing so as it provides critical background information for the tumultuous events that we’ll cover today. But either way, I think a brief summary will be valuable. In last week’s episode, we learned about how the state’s charter government turned Rhode Island into one of the least democratic states in America. Not only are the industrialized towns poorly represented in the state government but its restrictive suffrage laws prevent a majority of the state’s adult white male population from voting. Reformers like Seth Luther and Thomas Wilson Dorr attempted to democratize their state by replacing the charter with a more modern constitution but their efforts were thwarted by the state’s conservative, landholding statesmen whose political power rests on the charter government. Eventually, the people grew tired of waiting so they decided to take matters into their own hands, the result of which we see as we jump into this week’s episode. It’s a fall afternoon in 1841 and taking place in a large Providence assembly hall is a constitutional convention. Although such an event is by no means a radical ordeal by itself, this convention is revolutionary. Because instead of it being initiated by the state government, the people of Rhode Island have bypassed the General Assembly and initiated the process of restructuring their government all on their own. Filing into what’s being called the People’s Constitutional Convention are delegates representing the Rhode Island towns. Along with all adult white males being allowed to elect these delegates, they’ve also been apportioned based on their town’s population size, ensuring the more industrialized towns are fairly represented. As delegates shuffle through the crowd and chat amongst themselves, the room grows full of excitement as people begin taking their seats. Eventually, the assembly hall becomes completely quiet when Thomas Wilson Dorr, the unanimous leader of their populist movement, makes his way to the center of the auditorium. Noticeable throughout his stride is a prominent limp that's the result of a chronic illness that effected him almost all of his kife. Once situated in front of the audience, Dorr leans his stout body on his cane while using his free hand to comb his dark hair over his balding head. As he starts his speech he tells his fellow delegates how for too long those in power have attempted to suppress the rights of the people. For too long the landholding aristocracy have made excuse after excuse as to why they are unable to amend their government. For years they've claimed how neither the legislature nor those with voting privileges have the authority to alter the charter, forcing the people to live under an oppressive system that goes against everything our founding fathers risked their lives for. Well, eventually, like any oppressed population, the people of Rhode Island decided they had enough and have called on us to rectify the situation. They've given us the sacred honor of creating a new government, one that will, like all governments should, derive its power from the majority. Finally, Dorr closes his opening address by telling his fellow delegates that the future of their great state lies in their hands. He trusts that they will do right by the people and finally create a constitution that makes their fellow Rhode Islanders proud. Following Dorr’s speech, the other delegates rise from their seats and applaud the man who is quickly becoming known as one of the nation's most ardent advocates of the working class. Then, Over the next five days the People’s Constitutional Convention goes on to create the outlines for a new government by drafting what becomes known as the People’s Constitution. Not only does it extend suffrage to all adult white males with one year's residence but it also more equitably represents the industrialized towns in the state legislature. By the end of the year, the people will officially ratify the historic document and in the early months of 1842 Dorr will begin the process of replacing the charter with their more modern constitution. However, when those serving under the charter refuse to allow their power to be usurped, Dorr and his most ardent supporters will turn their once strictly political movement into a militant rebellion that thrusts Rhode Island into a state of chaos. The abrupt rise and fall of the populist movement known as the Dorr Rebellion is what we’ll cover in this week’s episode of the Story of Rhode Island Podcast.

Intro Music

It’s January of 1842 and Thomas Wilson Dorr is on top of the world. Following the People’s Constitutional Convention last October, 14,000 Rhode Islanders came out to vote on whether or not to ratify the People’s Constitution, a level of voter participation never before seen in the state. Since the supporters of the Charter government boycotted the process, all but 52 people elected for ratification. Such a decisive victory means that a majority of the state’s 23,000 eligible voters have chosen to ratify the People’s Constitution, leading Dorr to believe that the days of the charter government are over and that he now has the right to implement their new government. Dorr discusses this positive turn of events while sitting at his home in Providence with Samuel Atwell. An attorney from Glocester and long time equal rights Democrat, Atwell has supported Dorr’s reform efforts since the early 1830s. As the two men converse, they repeatedly express how proud they are of the common people. They are astonished with how they’ve not only stood by each other to defend their democratic rights but have actually turned their sentiments into action. And when one thinks about what they’ve done it’s hard not to be impressed. In a matter of months, the people of Rhode Island have gone from begging those in power to expand suffrage to electing their own set of officials to create a framework for a new government that’s now on the verge of being implemented. While some consider their actions illegal or even treasonous, Dorr, a Harvard educated lawyer, has no doubt that what they’ve done is completely legal. Because in Article IV, Section 4 of the Constitution of the United States each state is promised a Republican form of government, something Rhode Island is clearly without. On top of that, the nation’s founding document, the Declaration of Independence, openly declares that whenever there’s a government that does not derive its power from the consent of the governed, the people have the right to alter or abolish it. With this connection to the founding fathers in mind, Dorr asks Atwell if he thinks this is how Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and the other founders felt when they declared independence from the British empire. Atwell responds somewhat jokingly by saying “no, we must feel better. The British empire wasn’t half as tyrannical as the Charter government”. Dorr chuckles and tells his friend that he’s starting to sound like Seth Luther. Atwell shakes his head at his friend's jest and the two men joyfully continue their discussion while often taking a moment to raise their glasses to Rhode Island’s rediscovered democratic spirit. However, what the two men don’t know is that the success their movement is enjoying will not last for long. While at the moment they seem to be on the verge of replacing the charter with the People’s Constitution, their plans are about to come crashing down. Over the coming months, those in power will initiate a multifaceted counter offensive that picks apart Dorr’s political upheaval. To learn more about how that process unfolds we’ll head over to the state government and meet Governor Samuel Ward King, the man who will lead these retaliatory acts that eventually make him Dorr’s fiercest adversary.

Situated atop the Charter Government that Dorr plans to dismantle is Governor Samuel Ward King. A man nearly 20 years Dorr’s senior, King was actually a mild supporter of the constitutional movement in the early 1830s. However, now in his third term as Governor he is one of the reformers fiercest opponents as he knows the implementation of the People’s Constitution would mean the end of his reign. While reading a copy of The New Age and Constitutional Advocate, a newspaper that deeply supports Dorr’s movement, he learns about how many no longer believe him to be their true Governor. The New Age declares that since a majority of the people have voted in favor of ratifying the People’s Constitution that the charter is now null and void and that the People’s Constitution is officially QUOTE “the paramount law and constitution of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations” UNQUOTE. While thinking of all the others who agree with this radical sentiment, King quickly becomes aggravated with what he’s reading and tosses the paper on the floor. As he sits there in a fit of rage he decides that something must be done to quell this rebellion. And so, in the early months of 1842, he initiates an aggressive counteroffensive. He starts by teaming up with urban factory owners and rural landholder to create a conservative coalition called the Law and Order Party. With his team assembled, King and the standing government go on to create their own constitution that enables them to gain support from more moderate reformers while also turning some against the People’s Constitution. Their constitution accomplishes the former by making some key concessions like more equitably apportioning delegates in the General Assembly and expanding the franchise to native-born adult, white males who meet age and residency requirements. Their new government framework is so popular that it nearly receives enough votes needed for ratification when it’s first shared with the public. At the same time, their constitution turns people against Dorr’s movement by retaining the real estate requirements for naturalized citizens, something the people’s constitution doesn’t do. This is a brilliant political maneuver because Since many of the state's naturalized citizens are Irish catholic immigrants, King and his regime can play on nativist sentiments to make Rhode Islanders think that adopting the People’s Constitution would lead to their government being handed over to the pope. While to us such an idea sounds absurd it’s important to remember that in the 19th century, many protestant Rhode Islanders, like other Protestants throughout america, have a deep seated mistrust of the catholic religion and believe that if given enough political power Catholics would gladly turn their state and national government over to their religious leaders. Helping King to promote this ridiculous conspiracy is The Providence Journal, an extremely conservative newspaper whose lead editor, Henry Bowen Anthony will eventually become a leading member of the nativist Know-Nothing Party. The paper tells its readers that if the People’s Constitution is adopted then it would QUOTE “place your government, your civil and political institutions, your PUBLIC SCHOOLS, and perhaps your RELIGIOUS PRIVILEGES, under the control of the POPE of ROME” UNQUOTE. This fear mongering campaign sends shockwaves throughout the state and turns many against the People’s Constitution. Then, Dorr’s movement is further weakened when the People’s Constitution is deemed illegal and anyone who takes office under it guilty of treason. This harsh legislation becomes known as the Algerine Law and convinces some of the movement's core members to rescind their support, one of them even being a man we just met, Samuel Atwell. As the weeks pass, King’s actions prove to be highly effective and enables those in power to regain control of the state. But to Dorr, this is all irrelevant. The General Assembly may attempt to squash his movement through nativist rhetoric and draconian laws but the people have already spoken. By ratifying the People’s Constitution back in December they initiated a transfer of power that Dorr and his most dedicated supporters fully intend to see through. Therefore, in complete defiance of the Algerine Law, the progressives hold an election under the People’s Constitution. By the time it’s done they’ve formed their own legislature and have elected Dorr “People’s Governor of Rhode Island”. In other words, by the end of April there are two legislative bodies and two governors in Rhode Island. The question now left on everyone’s mind is which one will reign supreme?

Although Thomas Wilson Dorr has just been elected the People’s Governor of Rhode Island, things are not going as well as his new title might suggest. Due to Governor King and the Law and Order Party’s counteroffensive, support for his political upheaval is dwindling rapidly. This troubling reality is illustrated by the fact that only about 6,500 people participated in the election under the People’s Constitution, a severe drop from the nearly 14,000 who voted for its ratification back in December. Even Dorr’s own family has turned against him. Both his father and brother have publicly denounced his actions and continuously ask him to give up on his political upheaval. On top of that, Dorr just had a disastrous meeting with President John Tyler in Washington. He hoped to obtain support from the president for his new government but his request was promptly rejected. To make it worse, Tyler has decided to send troops to Fort Adams just in case Governor King needs any help defending his government. But Dorr refuses to allow anyone to stop him, whether it be Governor King, his family or even the President. To him, it’s the people who hold all the power and it’s the people he’s willing to stand by no matter what the cost. In fact, as we visit Dorr while he returns from his trip to Washington we find him more determined than ever. While peering out the window of the train taking him back to Providence, a stern and contemplative look is seen in his face. After making its way east though towns like Westerly and South Kingstown, the railroad line he’s traveling on, commonly known to as the Stonington Line, shoots up north towards the states founding city. Then, at 10:00am, the People’s Governor arrives back in Providence and is greeted by a crowd of 1,200 supporters. Mostly consisting of blacksmiths, factory hands and other working class individuals, these people represent Dorr’s most dedicated supporters, explaining why many now refer to them as Dorrites. To prove just how far the Dorrites are willing to go for the cause, about 300 of them have arrived armed—a level of devotion that Dorr reciprocates by sporting a sword in place of the cane he typically uses to walk. After briefly greeting the crowd, Dorr and others make their way to their new headquarters on Federal Hill. Upon his arrival, the People’s Governor turns to the large group of onlookers and delivers a rousing speech. While waving his sword above his head, he tells his audience how the peaceful days of their movement have passed. Due to the unjust and draconian measures taken by the Law and Order Party it’s now time for them to revert to more militant measures. Governor King might think he has the right to arrest people serving under the People’s Constitution but he’s sorely mistaken. Finally, he exclaims how he’s willing to do whatever it takes to see their movement through to its completion even if that means sacrificing his own life for their sacred cause. With his speech now finished, the sea of working class individuals cheer on the man they consider to be the true governor of Rhode Island. And so what we see taking place at this time is the transformation of a peaceful political crusade into an armed rebellion. That transition is completed the very next day when 60 armed Dorrites raid the Providence Armory and steal 2 Revolutionary War cannons. Then, the Dorrites clearly illustrate their intentions to all by setting the cannons up in front of their headquarters on Federal Hill and directing them towards the city. Then, swarms of lower class individuals from surrounding factory villages in Woonsocket, North Providence, and Smithfield begin flooding into Providence, arousing a new level of concern amongst those in power. Realizing his adversary is preparing for an attack, Governor King sounds alarm bells and the people are told to arm themselves. By the time the sun sets, the two sides are ready for battle and Rhode Island’s founding city is on the verge of war. Unfortunately, unbeknownst to the People’s Governor, Dorr’s next move will be a catastrophe and act as the catalyst that sends his rebellion into a steep decline.

Situated at the southern end of Providence’s Dexter training ground is the Rhode Island state arsenal. Standing in front of that two story stone building is a group of 200 armed citizens who have answered Governor King’s call to defend the city after it became known that the Dorrites intend to hijack the weapons inside the building. Then, at about 2:00am on May 18th a force of about 250 armed dorrites led by Colonel Jonathan Wheeler approach the arsenal. After assembling their lines, the rebels begin rolling out the Revolutionary War cannons they stole just hours earlier. As the two sides eye each other anxiously, a dense fog rises around the building, making an already ominous scene that much more unsettling. Then, Colonel Wheeler steps forward and tells his opponents to stand down. After failing to receive a response, he once again shouts his order to surrender and give up the arsenal. This time, one of the men responds by exclaiming QUOTE “if you want it, come and take it” UNQUOTE. Colonel Wheeler, hesitant to officially turn this show of force into an actual battle, turns to Dorr in search of an order. All of a sudden, for the first time throughout this great rebellion, the People’s Governor finds himself questioning if he’s taking things too far. He wonders how on earth things have come to this and finds himself longing for the days of peaceful protests, Back when the ideals of their movement were shared through the eloquent words of Seth Luther and when they obtained political power through peaceful assemblies. But as Dorr thinks of the past he’s also reminded of the response he’s received from those in power, a sobering thought that reinforces his belief that some things in life must be obtained by force. Just as the founding fathers had to risk their lives to create a society that’s governed by the people, he too must do the same. And so, with this in mind, Dorr turns towards his men standing by their cannons and gives them the signal to fire. Accepting the order, two of the Dorrites step forward and begin priming the artillery pieces. With the cannons now ready to go another man shouts “ready to fire”. As the words echo across the soon to be battlefield, Dorr looks over at his opponents bracing for impact. Then, with his heart racing, Dorr hears another one of his men shout “Prepare to give fire”. Finally, one of the Dorrites begins slowly lowering his arm to light the cannon. While staring intensely at the arsenal, Dorr’s body becomes tense as he readies himself for the bloodshed that’s about to ensue. But with each passing moment, he notices that instead of the commotion that comes with war there’s nothing but silence. With the sound of artillery fire non-existent, he redirects his vision back towards the cannons and realizes that the artillery pieces have failed to fire. Eventually, his men become panicked and begin to flee the scene. Colonel Wheeler and Dorr attempt to calm them down but are unsuccessful and watch in shock as their offensive crumbles before their eyes. Within seconds, Dorr finds himself alone and with no other option but to escape as well. Within minutes, the entire ordeal comes to a speedy conclusion without a single shot being fired. The Rhode Islanders defending the arsenal let out a loud cheer to celebrate the fact that what could've easily become a bloody artillery battle turned out to be nothing more than a harmless scare. Now even though not a drop of blood was shed that day, Dorr’s failed attempt at raiding the state armory proves to be the death knell for his movement. Not only were his chances of using force to implement his new government a pipe dream to begin with but his decision to militarize the movement turned his remaining moderate supporters against him. Over the next few weeks, support for Dorr dwindles while Governor King increases his military forces. By the end of May, the People’s Governor is forced to flee Rhode Island while the Dorrites vacate the city and move their headquarters to the northwest village of Chepachet. Governor King, realizing that he now has the chance to squash this rebellion once and for all, sends out a team of 3,500 militia units to Chepachet and after a quick showing of force the Dorrities decide to surrender. Dorr, now a Governor with no one to govern, remains at large for over a year. While he’s away, the General Assembly takes advantage of the situation to create and ratify a constitution that retains many of the undemocratic components of the charter government. To start, the right of complete suffrage remains difficult to obtain. While native-born citizens can obtain partial voting privileges by paying a $1 registry tax they still must own or pay taxes on $134 of real or personal property to be given full voting rights. To make it worse, naturalized citizens are still forced to own $134 of real estate before being able to vote at all, a requirement that gives Rhode Island the most nativist suffrage laws in America. Perhaps the only positive on the suffrage front is the fact that the Constitution re-enfranchises black people, a right they had up until 1822 when the General Assembly decided to take it away from them. On top of that, changes to the government’s apportionment model aren't much better. Although the Constitution more adequately reapportions the House of Representatives, the less populated but more numerous rural towns are able to maintain partial control of the legislature by each town being given one representative in the senate. To reaffirm their favorability, the senate is also allowed to veto any legislation proposed by the General Assembly. When Dorr finds out about the specifics of the constitution he’s crushed but at the same time not surprised. After battling Rhode Island’s conservative statesmen for over a decade this is exactly the type of government he expected to be created if left to those in power. Finally, in October of 1843, Dorr accepts defeat and returns to Rhode Island to give himself in. Following a speedy trial in the Spring of 1844, Dorr is found guilty of treason and sentenced to life in prison. As we revisit Dorr at Rhode Island’s the state prison, we’ll wrap up his story while also being briefly introduced to an Irish immigrant named John Gordon. He’s a man whose life we’ll learn more about in next week’s episode and whose story has an even more tragic ending than the one we’re covering today.

Escorting Dorr through the damp, dark halls of Rhode Island’s state prison are two burly men. As Dorr makes his way past a row of jail cells, the rough looking individuals inside of them stand up so that they can catch a glimpse of the man who so infamously put Rhode Island in such a hectic state. But along his route, Dorr makes eye contact with a prisoner who’s unlike the others. On his face is a similar story of martyrdom that Dorr finds easy to relate with. However, instead of being a marty to the working-class people, he’s a martyr to the Irish Catholic immigrants being beaten down by a prejudiced society. An Irish catholic immigrant himself, John Gordon has just been wrongfully convicted of murder largely because of his heritage. The fear in Gordon’s eyes makes Dorr feel for him and the rest of Rhode Island’s marginalized communities. But just as that thought sets in, Dorr feels one of the guards shove him and rudely exclaim “keep moving Dorr”. Eventually, he arrives at his cell and is promptly escorted into his new home. After hearing the loud bang of his cell door closed behind him, the man once known as the People’s Governor sits on the hard surface he’s supposed to call a bed and thinks about how this might just be where he spends the rest of his life. And while that’s not exactly how his life plays out, the actual ending isn’t much happier. Due to chronic health issues, those in power agree to release Dorr in June of 1845. However, by the time he’s freed his health is so deteriorated that he often finds himself bedridden for months on end and forced to take up residence with his mother and younger brother. Largely unable to work, Dorr’s only source of income is an allowance he receives from his father. While this an inarguably devastating outcome for a man who was once a promising young lawyer, statesman, and to some the true Governor of Rhode Island, one can at least find some solace in the fact that the same family members who once shunned his actions are there for him when he needs them the most. Eventually, it becomes clear to all that Dorr doesn’t have much time left so friends and extended family come to say their final goodbyes. Finally, on December 27th 1854, Thomas Wilson Dorr passes away at just 49. And so, although the story of the Dorr Rebellion has a somewhat bleak ending, it’s also the tale of a man from Providence, Rhode Island who pushed the ideals of the American Revolution to their limit. Unwilling to allow Rhode Island to be led by a minority group of landholders, Dorr fought to create a government that actually derived its consent from the governed. Although largely unsuccessful, his fight is a constant reminder that the sacred liberties we so often talk about at times need to be protected through action. To many 19th-century Rhode Islanders, that meant taking to the streets for peaceful protests or electing delegates to extralegal political conventions, but to Dorr, it meant an armed rebellion.Unfortunately, Rhode Island in the 1840s still has a lot of progress to make. As we saw in this episode, prejudiced feelings towards the state’s Irish Catholic immigrants are on the rise and the man Thomas Wilson Dorr came in contact with while entering prison, is about to become a victim of that unjustified hate. Although John Gordon came to America in search of a better life, we'll watch him be wrongly convicted of murder, a conviction that leads him to become the last Rhode Islander ever to be executed under the death penalty. But that’s a story for next time, on next week’s episode of The Story of Rhode Island Podcast.