S3E4 - "Peaceably if we can, Forcibly if we must"

Hello and welcome to the Story of Rhode Island. The podcast that tells you the story of Rhode Island’s fascinating history. In last week’s episode we watched the Jefferson Embargo and The War of 1812 spur on the growth of the state’s textile industry. While this development has certainly led to a significant amount of economic growth it’s also given rise to a working class consciousness that’s becoming increasingly hostile towards certain aspects of its society. And As we jump into this week’s episode, we’re introduced to the Rhode Island native who’s become a vociferous voice for the concerns of the state’s working class. His name is Seth Luther and on this April afternoon in 1832, he’s giving a speech to an energetic crowd of local factory workers. While waving his arms around in the air and moving his tall, slender body from side to side, he tells his audience about an issues that plaguing their state, one that in his speech he calls QUOTE “wicked, ridiculous, unnatural, impolitic, tyrannical, and unjust in every point of view” UNQUOTE. While many of these adjectives are certainly valid, what Luther is more plainly referring to is the state’s severely outdated charter government that's turned Rhode Island into one of the least democratic states in America. Not only are many of its towns severely under-represented in the state government but Rhode Island also has one of the most restrictive suffrage laws in America, the latter problem being the primary point of contention for Luther’s audience. At the time of his speech, Rhode Island is one of the only states to still have a real estate requirement for voting, a restriction that prevents most of the state’s working class citizens from being enfranchised. Luther addresses this reality by asking his audience QUOTE “will it be believed, that in any one state under the flag of the United States, there are thousands of American citizens who have no more voice in the government, general or local, than the serfs, bassals, and boors of Europe and Asia?” UNQUOTE. Then, he continues to tell the crowd how Rhode Island has failed to live up the ideals of the American revolution and how QUOTE “The celebrations of the fourth of July never ought to take place in this state except as a day of mourning and those who walk in procession ought to be in chains” UNQUOTE. And finally, with the crowd becoming increasingly bought into his message Luther delivers the most provocative part of his speech. He tells his listeners that this can go on no longer and that QUOTE “we must have a remedy. Peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must” UNQUOTE. Once his sentence is finished, the crowd erupts into a roaring applause and working men throughout Providence are more energized than ever before. But Luther’s pleas for modernization are not warmly received by all, especially not by the rural towns whose political power rests on Rhode Island’s outdated charter government. To them, any attempt at modernization is perceived as a threat, a change that would allow the more industrialized towns to take hold of their government. And so, with political preservation acting as their driving force, the conservative leaders of Rhode Island’s less industrialized towns do everything they can to protect what they deem to be a sacred charter government. For over a decade they will stubbornly suppress the reformers’ civil attempts at modernization, allowing the underlying problems to grow even more severe and the need for change to become unbearable. Eventually, those being oppressed will realize that in order to free themselves from the state's unjust political institutions they must take matters into their own hands, they must put aside their civil mentality and take an approach that’s far more revolutionary. The story of how Rhode Island’s outdated government and conservative politicians creates a society that’s ripe for internal rebellion is what we’ll cover in this week’s episode of The Story of Rhode Island Podcast.

Intro Music

Sitting comfortably around a lavish dinner table in the rural village of Kingston are three men; Wilkins Updike, Elisha Reynolds Potter, and his son, Elisha Reynolds Potter Jr. All three of these men have ties to the famed, 18th century Narragansett Planter families, a group of agriculturalists whose massive plantations in southern Rhode island made them fortunes. Like their family lineage, these three individuals enjoying a fine dinner on this winter afternoon in 1833 have also remained in the upper echelons of Rhode Island society. Not only do they easily meet the real estate requirements for voting but Updike and the elder Potter are experienced statesmen in Rhode Island’s General Assembly, a career path the younger Potter will follow as well. Although these three men are well respected throughout the state’s less industrialized communities they represent everything Seth Luther and his urban counterparts are fighting against - a group of backward thinking, wealthy landowners who fiercely oppose reforming the Rhode Island government. While discussing the politics of the day, Wilkins Updike carelessly tosses a pamphlet on the dinner table. When the two Potters see the pamphlet’s title, which reads “An Address on the Right of Free Suffrage” they realize it’s a printed version of the speech we watched Seth Luther make at the start of this episode. Updike asks his guests who this loudmouth, penniless factory worker thinks he is? How dare he think he has the right to speak on such civic matters when he doesn’t even own an ounce of real estate? The elder Potter nods his head in agreement and mentions how it’s a shame that some are even considering enfranchising non real estate owners. The comments made by the two men align with a political belief known as the“stake in society theory”, a concept that’s widely considered to be outdated by the 1830s. However, contemporary Proponents of the idea believe that only citizens with a financial interest in their society such as real estate should be given the right to vote because they have more to lose or gain from societal decisions. Updike and the Potters continue to support the validity of this archaic concept for the next ten minutes or so while also taking jabs at Luther and his so-called working class rabble. However, the men’s unanimity is challenged when they begin discussing the second point of contention being shared by northern reformers - Rhode Island’s mode for representing towns in the state government. The conversation shift occurs when Elisha Reynolds Potter jr. makes a controversial statement. The young man admits that he can see why some could question the way in which the charter goes about assigning delegates to the state government. “After all, it was created over 150 years ago” he states. “Plus, it’s quite clear that it fails to equitably represent some of the towns in the state government”. When the younger Potter realizes that his comment has irritated his host, he backsteps on his comment and makes it clear that he’s by no means saying they should completely do away with the Charter but does wonder if there’s a way to make some adjustments, albeit minor. This even mildly progressive statement immediately strikes a chord with Updike. Furious that the young man would dare speak down on the state’s sacred charter, he reminds him of how the document is a cherished piece of Rhode Island history, put in place by the very men who founded their great society. He pointedly state’s how “It worked just fine for Roger Williams so it’ll work just fine for us”. Plus” he continues “even if people wanted to alter the charter they can’t as it provides no mode of amendment”. The elder Potter, realizing their host is quite upset, gives his son a look as if to tell him to mind his words. To mend the situation, Potter jr. nods his head and tells Updike that he makes a great point. Then, he raises his glass and gives a short toast to the state’s sacred charter. The three men cling their glasses together in solidarity and their dinner continues for the next couple of hours. While we allow the men to finish their meal I’d like to take a minute to analyze their discussion so that we can fully understand exactly what it is they are defending and why it puts them at odds with men like Seth Luther and his counterparts in the northern, industrialized towns. Okay so at a high level, Updike, the Potters, and other Rhode Islanders from the less industrialized towns are adamantly opposed to making changes to the charter government because they know it’ll result in a loss of political power. For example, by extending suffrage rights to non property holders like factory workers it would increase the percentage of the state’s electorate who don’t have any rural interest. On top of that, it would also create an electorate that has the potential to be controlled by northern mill owners, this latter sentiment not being completely unfounded. Because in the 1830s Rhode Island has yet to adopt the secret ballot, meaning that mill owners would know who their employees are voting for and could use that information to coerce them into voting a certain way. While this is of course more of a justification for the secret ballot as opposed to why lower class citizens should not be given voting privileges it nonetheless helps you to understand their concerns. Now it’s quite obvious why the state’s working class citizens oppose these restrictions to suffrage, however what we’ve yet to look at is just how outdated this law has become and the number of Rhode Islanders it affects. Throughout the early 19th century, most states have been drastically increasing the percentage of adult white males who are enfranchised while Rhode Island had done the exact opposite. By being one of the only states to still have a real estate requirement for voting and being one of the most industrialized states in America, it’s drastically reduced the percentage of its population who are enfranchised. For example, in 18th century Rhode Island about 70% of adult white males could vote, however by the 1830s that number has fallen to just 30%. And so this is the first source of tension between the working class and leaders of the less industrialized towns. The second is slightly more complicated and has to deal with how towns are represented in the state government. So Ideally, the number of delegates each town sends to the General assembly would be determined by the size of their population. Unfortunately that’s not how it works, not even close. Instead delegates are assigned based on the apportionment method used in the Charter, which states that every town except for the original four - those being Providence, Warwick, Newport, and Portsmouth - sends 2 representatives to the General Assembly, regardless of their population size. Therefore, even though towns in the northern half of the state have seen their populations absolutely explode because of the Industrial Revolution while the other towns have remained stagnant or declined, a dichotomy we discussed in last week’s episode, they still have the same number of representatives. To get a sense of how poorly this system has adapted to the state’s new economy it’s almost comical to know that the rural island town of Jamestown with a population of about 400 people and the far more industrialized town of Smithfield with a population approaching 7,000 each have 2 representatives. And so if we zoom out, we see just how poorly represented the industrialized towns have become; because even though the industrialized towns contain nearly 50% of the state’s population their delegates only make up 30% of the General Assembly, a reality that’s made possible simply because there are twice as many less industrialized towns as there are industrialized ones. So as you can imagine, the industrialized towns find this absurd and want it changed but as I’m sure you can also understand people like Updike and the Potters fear a more equitable mode of apportionment as it would take away their political power. Now it’s important to note that there are other reasons why the charter government is outdated but those don’t play as much of a role as igniting the rebellion that will eventually ensue. Therefore, I’m going to hold off discussing those and will instead just put them in this episode’s webpage. Alright so to summarize - Rhode Island’s charter is outdated because it severely restricts suffrage and does not adequately represent towns in the state government. However, the reason the less industrialized towns want to keep it that way is because it allows them to remain in control of the General Assembly. And speaking of the General Assembly, that’s exactly where we’ll head next. Because by 1834, there’s a new statesman in the Rhode Island government and he’s about to bring the complaints shared by Seth Luther directly to those in power. Although this will be our first interaction with this fiery, young advocate of the working class it most certainly will not be our last.

It’s the June 1834 meeting of the General Assembly and a showdown is about to ensue. Standing at the center of the Newport Colony House are two statesmen who represent the formidable bulwark protecting the Rhode Island charter government. One of them is a man we just met, Elisha Reynolds Potter. The other is Benjamin Hazard, an elder Newport representative who's been a member of the General Assembly for 25 years. While the two talk amongst themselves, they suddenly hear the door swing open and watch the leader of the opposing party enter the room; the young and extremely passionate Thomas Wilson Dorr. Although this short, slightly overweight individual comes from a world completely different from the one the state’s working-class citizens live in, he’s a fierce advocate of their political needs. Dorr comes from an extremely wealthy who’s family ties to Rhode Island date back to the 17th century. However, you’d be mistaken to believe that everything about his life has been easy. For as long as he can remember, he’s had to deal with a chronic illness that now forces him to walk with a cane. Nonetheless, he remained resilient. After graduating from Harvard at just 18, he practiced law in New York, and upon his return to Providence became a leading member of the state’s newest political organization, the Constitutional Party. More recently, he authored the third party’s key document titled “An Address to the People of Rhode Island”, which demands that the state finally do away with their charter and adopt a Constitution that liberalizes the state suffrage laws and establishes a more equitable mechanism for representation. And now, on this summer afternoon, he’ll take this fight for modernization directly to those who wish to destroy it. After confidently walking past his political opponents, Dorr finds a seat in the colony house that puts him directly across from his conservative adversaries, demonstrating his eagerness to fight his battles head on. But Hazard, a man who's been a statesman since Dorr was in diapers, is not the least bit intimidated by his opponent. While locking eyes with Dorr, he observes an array of emotions. The first and most obvious is determination. Hazard can tell that this young man is willing to do whatever it takes to modernize Rhode Island’s outdated, non-egalitarian government. But resting behind that mindset is an emotion that makes Hazard uneasy - Dorr’s reckless sense of urgency. While to some, Rhode Island adopting a more modern form of government almost seems inevitable, something that will eventually occur once the older generations give way to a new seat of leaders, Hazards beginning to realize that Dorrs not willing to wait for that to happen. To him, Rhode Island’s working class individuals deserve these changes to happen now, not later. It’s a right that was promised to them by their founding father in the United States Constitution. Article 4 makes it very clear that each state is promised a Republican form of government, not one dominated by a few minority landholders. And since that’s what was promised to them, Dorr has every intention of turning it into a reality. With this mindset in place, Dorr stands up and begins attacking the state’s outdated outdated charter. While his voice steadily rises, he exclaims how their current institutions are QUOTE “ unworthy of a free people; they ought to be changed radically and totally” UNQUOTE. To make this happen, he proposes that the state have a Constitutional Convention so that they can do away with the Charter. Hazard immediately responds by ridiculing his opponent. Like we heard from Updike at his home in Kingston, he denounces Dorr for criticizing their sacred charter. He tells him that he refuses to watch Dorr just toss it in the trash as if there were no value in it whatsoever. At the very most, he would consider it being amended but nothing more. For the next couple of minutes, the two continue to verbally spar until Potter provides a middle ground. He proposes that a convention take place but one that will simply decide if they want to amend the charter OR draft a constitution. After a quick vote, Potter’s compromise is approved by the house and for a moment it seems like the confrontation is over. But then, Dorr proposes that the delegates for the convention be chosen from the towns based on the size of their population and that all native born, white adult males with one year's residency be allowed to vote at the convention. Hazard and Potter, knowing all too well that they’d lose their power if that were to be the case, instantly shoot down the idea. To further infuriate Dorr, Hazard begins calling him a child and tells him that his family would be ashamed to hear that he’s supporting the QUOTE “laborers and mechanics of the factory villages” UNQUOTE. At this point, Dorr snaps. He slams his fist on the table and calls out his opponents’ true agenda. He tells the room how Hazard QUOTE “reads a handwriting on the wall; and it announces too clearly to be misinterpreted, the doom of a certain class of politicians, who, when the present unjust and oppressive system of things goes down, go with it and do not rise again. It is this dread of personal consequences which makes some men cling with such a desperate grasp, strengthened by the energy of self-preservation, to the decaying remnants of the present fabric” UNQUOTE. When Dorr’s tirade comes to an end, the room is completely silent and all Dorris hands can be seen visibly shaking from his outburst. Hazard, noticing that his fellow delegates have been offended by the young man’s comments, knows he now has the upper hand so he calmly rises from his chair in a dignified manner. Once standing, he suggests to the room that Dorr’s proposal be left up to a vote. As expected, the representatives swiftly reject Dorr’s suggested changes for the convention and by the time the assembly comes to an end the conservative delegates have won a small but meaningful victory. Then, Over the next few months their success continues when the proposed convention to amend the Charter looses steam and never ends up taking place, creating yet another roadblock for the reformers efforts. Finally, That roadblock begins to look insurmountable when the Constitutional Party dies a slow death throughout the remainder of the 1830s. The reason for the party’s decline is attributed to a lack of funds, the continued pushback they receive from a majority of the enfranchised population, and series of nationwide, economic depressions in 1837 and 1839 that force working class individuals to prioritize providing for their families instead of gaining the right to vote. And so, by the end of the decade, it seems as though all hope for modernization is loss for the time being. However, when one takes a look beneath the surface, they see something else developing. Because while the life of the Constitutional Party is slowly coming to an end, the same factors that initiated these tensions grow even more pronounced. Throughout the 1830s, steam power technology enables the economies and populations of the northern towns to grow even more rapidly than before. By the end of the decade, 60% of the state’s population is located in the northern industrialized towns while their delegates comprise just 30% of the General Assembly. So although as Dorr states, the Constitutional Party QUOTE “accomplished nothing” UNQUOTE the sleeping giant is growing stronger every day. But that giant won’t remain at rest for long. At the start of the new decade, a series of internal and external changes will wake the state’s working class population from its slumber and push the people towards a full blown political revolution.

The piece of legislation that wakes the sleeping giant is passed in January of 1840. While its name, the Militia Reorganization Act, sounds like nothing more than a military restructuring in reality has far more impactful consequences. The militia law imposes burdensome fines and penalties on anyone who avoids military duty and since the people who are typically obligated to partake in military service are disenfranchised lower class citizens it reminds them of the importance of their fight. At first, their response to this law is somewhat contained as they primarily focus on creating The Suffrage Association in March of 1840. However, when they then watch an unprecedented number of Americans participate in the highly populous driven 1840 presidential election the tenacity of their protests becomes far more forthright. When it’s all said and done, Whig candidate William Henry Harrison is elected president and election data shows that 70% of all adult white males voted, a number slightly lowered by Rhode Island’s abismal participation rate of just 33%. This embarrassing reality inspires Rhode Island’s Suffrage Association to once again take their protests to the streets and forces the General Assembly to finally schedule a constitutional convention for the following November. However, the details of that convention only further infuriates the suffragists when they learn that delegates will be chosen in a manner that favors the state’s conservative landholding faction, giving them little faith that any substantial changes will actually be made. This proves to be the final straw for the reformers so in the summer of 1841 they decide that it’s time to take matters into their own hands. And as we visit Providence’s Dexter Training Ground on a sweltering June afternoon, we watch their fight for modernization a revolutionary step forward. Gathering around local minister William Bach is a group of factory workers attending a rally put on by the suffrage association. Behind Bach is a large banner that demonstrates the crowd's mindset. It reads QUOTE “WAR FOREVER AGAINST THE TYRANNICAL GOVERNMENT OF RHODE ISLAND” UNQUOTE. Noticeably missing from the rally is Thomas Wilson Dorr. Having struggled to pick himself back up after the death of the Constitutional Party he’s remained on the sidelines, or at least that’s the case for now. With the people now assembled, Balch steps onto a large platform and begins sharing his message. While referring to the founder of their historic town, he states QUOTE “Ask the hovering spirit of Roger Williams if liberty is to be measured by dollars and cents, and parceled out by feet and inches to his descendants” UNQUOTE. He then insults the General Assembly’s upcoming constitutional convention and how it's simply a scheme to keep the status quo. And since those in power clearly have no plans of enfranchising Rhode Island’s working class individuals, it’s time for them to accept that their current government can no longer be trusted and that it’s now up to the people of Rhode Island to take more radical measures. They must bypass their government and hold their own constitutional convention that will replace their archaic charter with a modern government. The action suggested by Balch and the Suffrage Association is not only extreme but could rightly be called a revolution. But Bach has no qualms with such a label. Instead he asks the crowd exactly what’s being called a revolution. He asks QUOTE “call it a revolution that we say intelligence, virtue, honor, and patriotism makes the man and not dirt? Call it a revolution that we level every false distinction, every grade not based on talent or moral worth, and proclaim liberty and rights to the people? Then we are revolutionists and glory in it; and we will rejoice when such a revolution is consummated and its blessings are revealed!” UNQUOTE. While the words emphatically shared by Bach come from a single person, they in actuality speak for the thousands of Rhode Islanders who have had enough. They’ve tried to lawfully share their grievances through men like Seth Luther and the Constitutional Party but it’s brought them nothing. And so, just like Seth Luther prophetically stated almost a decade ago, since they cannot achieve these goals peacefully, they must now act more forcefully. And Over the next several months, that’s exactly what they’ll do. the people of Rhode Island, no longer willing to be held back by those in power, will begin building a new government that actually represents its citizens. As that process begins to unfold, Thomas Wilson Dorr will rise from the ashes of the Constitutional Party and become the unanimous leader of this political upheaval. Eventually, he will realize that the only way their movement will succeed is by turning their acts of civil disobedience into a militant uprising, a decision that will turn what Bach calls a revolution into what we know today as the Dorr Rebellion But that’s a story for next time, on next week’s episode of The Story of Rhode Island Podcast.